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Bulletin of Tibetology
Vol. V 
No.2
29 JULY 1968
NAMGYAL INSTITUTE OF TIBETOLOGY
GANGTOK, SIKKIM
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-The Bulletin of Tibetology seeks to serve the specialist
as well as the general reader with an interest in this
field of study. The motif portraying the Stupa on the
mountains suggests the dimensions of the field-
EDITORS
GYALMO HOPE NAMGYAL
T. SHERAB GYALTSHEN
NIRMAL C. SINHA
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Bulletin of Tibetology
Vol.V 
No. 2
29 JULY 1968
NAMGYAL INSTITUTE OF TIBETOLOGY
GANGTOK, SIKKIM
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29 JULY 1968
PRINTED BY THE MANAGER, SIKKIM DARBAR PRESS
AND PUBLISHED BY THE DIRECTOR, NAMGYAL INSTITUTE
OF TIBETOLOGY, GANGTOK
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CONTENTS
Page
NAGARJUNA’S EXPOSITION OF CAUSAL LINKS 5
N. A. SASTRI
THE SKYABS-MGON 29
NIRMAL C. SINHA 
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CONTRIBUTORS IN THIS ISSUE-
N. AIYASWAMI SASTRI Formerly Adhyapaka in Visvabharati; lead-
ing scholar on Mahayana literature and author of publications on
Tibetan and Chinese translations and commentaries.
NIRMAL C. SINHA Director : Namgyal Institute of Tibetology ; formerly
teacher of history, University of Calcutta and editor, National Archives
of India.
Views expressed in the Bulletin of Tibetology are those of the con-
tributors alone and not of the Namgyal Institute of Tibetology. An article
represents the private individual views of the author and does not reflect
those of any office or institution with which the author may be associated.
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NAGARJUNA’S EXPOSITION OF TWELVE
CAUSAL LINKS
-N. AIYASWAMI SASTRI
Introductory
The Pratitya-Samutpada-Hrdaya-Karika pratītyasamutpādahṛdayakārikā
along with its comment is one of the several treatises composed by
Acarya Nagarjuna, the founder of the Madhyamaka school of Buddhism.
His authorship of this short tract has been attested more than once by
Candrakirti (v. prasannapadā, pp. 428, 551) and Prajnakaramati (v.
Panjika, pp. 355, 350). Its composition in a catechetical from
further confirms its antiquity. The text consists of originally 5
verses in Arya metre and two Anustubh verses in its Chinese and
Tibetan versions. Of his several metrical compositions we have only
two texts in Arya metre, viz. the present text and the vigrahavyāvartanī
The explanatory portion of this text is also fathered upon Nagarjuna
by the Chinese and Tibetan translators. This fact does not appear
improbable when we consider the statement made by Chandrakirti :
vigrahavyāvartanyā vṛttiṃ kurvatā’pyācāryeṇa prayogavākyānabhidhānāt | “Acarya
(Nagarjuna) while composing a short comment on the vigrahavyāvartanī does
not employ any prayoga, a sentence embodying any logical proposition”
prasannapadā p. 251.6.). This confirms the fact the author could be credited
also with some prose compositions. Of such compositions the Maha-pra
jnaparamita-Sastra mahāprajñāpāramitāśāstra preserved in its Chinese
translation ranks the foremost (v. Prof. Et. Lamotte’s French
Translation with copious annotations; the first two volumes published
so far). We may next notice a small tract both in verse and prose
viz., dvādaśamukhaśāstra also preserved in Chinese translation (v. the present
writer’s rendering it into Sanskrit in the Visvabharati Annals. Vol VI)
claiming him as its author ; a claim which has fairly been justified by
Chi-tsang (v. my Introductory Note, op. cit). The same Chinese authority
attributes to Cheng-mu piṅgalākṣa the prose portion of the Madhyamaka
Sastra. Thus the authorship of the commentary known as Akutobhaya
as attributed to Naga by the Tibetan authorities becomes uncertain.
Of his metrical compositions the most important is 1) the Madhyamaka
Sastra; it has been meritoriously edited by Prof. Luis de Valle Poussin.
2) The Vigrahavyayrtani with its comment has been discovered and
published by Rahul Sankrityayana (Bihar Research Society, 1950).
3) The Ratnavali and 4) the Catustava have been edited in part by Dr. G.
Tucci. 5) The Yuktisastikarika, 6) Sunyata-Saptati and 7) Suhrlleka
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are not available to us in their original Sanskrit. Nos. 5 and 7 are
translated by Schacffer and H. Wenzal respectively. (v. my Bibliogra-
phy in the Sal. sutra). No. 6 is known only in quotations, V. Dvadasamu-
kha, p. 24. a verse pleading for a fundamental tenet of the author,
viz. ajātivāda non-origination-theory. Two verses are cited from
the text in Bodhicarpan :-
1.The ideas of “I” and “mine” are expressed by the Buddha for
some purpose. Likewise skandhas, ayatanas and dhatus are all stated
(p. 376).
2. What comes into being due to causes does not exist p. 500; the
same in Madh. vrtti. p.413.
3. One more line from Yukti is found in Madh. vrtti. p.9 : What
is produced on account of such and such causes originates not in its nature.
This cited in full in the Madh.avat.p.288.
To draw paralles to the ideas of Madh-Sastra Candrakirti cites
more frequently verses from the Ratnavali (R. hereafter). Since they
bear out true marks of Nagarjuna’s way of thinking we may acquaint
ourselves with their gist on this occasion :
1.To the idea of the Sutra : Those who view things as existent
and those who do so as non-existent, both of them do not per-
ceive the quietude śiva of things-(M. Sastra V, 8) R. has :
the heterodox reaches the hell and the orthodox the heaven;
but the man situated in Non-dualism advaya reaches Release,
Moksa, because of his realizing the truth yathābhūta v. M.Vr. p. 135.
2.The action and its agent are ridiculed in M. Sastra VIII, II; R.
does the same in 3 verses : The world resembles a mirage; it is
an illusion to consider it existent or non-existent and a man
of illusion gets not released. Something is postulated as a
result of ignorance; later, at a close scrutiny one cannot secure
its existence; then how can there be its non-existence ? (p. 188).
3.Non-dualism advaya is possible only in Madhyamaka System
(XV.II); R. confirms the same in 2 verses; Approach anyone
of the Sankhya, Vaisesika, Nirgrantha, or the advocate of Pudgala
or Skandhas, and see whether they say anything beyond the 
existence or non-existence; therefore understand that the
Buddha’s dispensation alone is too deep and goes beyond the
existence or non-existence (p. 275).
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4.The negation of soul intended even in the empirical plan
samvṛtyā  in XVIII, 1. is echoed in R. 4 vv. One’s own image is
reflected in the mirror, but the image cannot be stated to be
either the same with or different from the face; likewise the
notion of “I” arises on the basis of aggregates skandha,
but it is not identical with the later. The reflection of one’s
image does not arise in the absence of mirror; likewise the‘I’
notion is not in the absence of the aggregates. Listening to this
characteristic Dharma venerable Ananda obtained Dharma-
Eye; this fact he himself declared to his fellow monks now and
then (p. 345).
5.Candrakirti says : In the wake of realizing the Soul-non-subs-
tantiality ātmanairātmya non-substantiality of things pertaining to
the soul ātmīyanairātmya is also realized. The same is confirmed
in R.-2 vv. The aggregates are born from the I-notion ahaṃkāra
which is false in truth; one who thinks the seed as false, how could
its sprout be true for him? In the wake of the aggregate being
viewed as false the I-notion is extinguished ; at the extinction
of I-notion the aggretgate arise no longer (p.346). They are
cited again on page 458 to confirm the idea of auspicious or
inauspicious is false as it is based on the false background mithyāśraya
6.The fact that Buddha preached neither Soul nor non-Soul (XVIII-
6) is corroborated in R. 2 vv :- Neither soul nor non-soul is
asserted in truth. The great sage shunned from us the two
views caused by the soul and non-soul. He declared what is
seen and what is heard are neither true nor false. If there is
a thesis, then there will be an antithesis; so both are not admis-
sible in fact (p. 359).
7.Again 3 vv. from R. to show that the Buddha preached differently
to different pupils. A grammarian would teach even the al-
phabet; likewise the Buddha preached his pupils (vineya)
dharma according to their capacities. He preached to some the
law in order to deter them from wrong deeds, to some a dualis-
tic law in order to increase merits, to some a deep non-dualis-
tic law which intimidates the timid person, and to some the Bodhi-
factor embodied in yiodness and compassion, śun#nyatā karuṇa-garbh
(p.359-60)
8.The object like the blue, etc, (nīlādi) are non-existent
even in the empirical plane. The same is in R. : Ether is
only a nominal because of its being devoid of colour, rūpa In the
absence of the great elements where is the colour, rūp ? (p.413).
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9.Voidness, śūnyatā, being grasped as either an entity or a non-
entity destroys the aspirer. So also says R.-When the
preacher ill-conceives the voidness, as a result of this,
the listener, the ignorant, becomes spoilt and falls downward in
the avīci hell (p.496).
10.As to Nagarjuna’s conception of Nirvana R. says-When Nirvana
is not a non-entity, how can it be an entity ? What is Nirvana
is an end of both entity and non-entity (p.524).
Candrakirti has made only 4 citations from the Catustava :-
1.The world resembles an echo, and is neither identified with
nor different from its cause. You (Buddha) have compre-
hended what is beyond continuity and discontinuity. (p.215,
Catus.I. 13).
2.Heretics consider the misery created either by self, other
or both or causeless; but you have preached it as dependently
originated (p.55-Catus.II, 19).
3.You have stated : In case a definition is different from the
defined, the latter would be devoid of the former; in case they
are identical, they would become non-entity (p.64-C.II, 11)
4. Things that are produced from the causes are non-existent as
the latter itself is a non-entity. Is it not plain then that they
are similar to reflections ? (p.413 = C.II, 4 Bodh.p.583).
The Catustava is more favourite with Prajnakaramati who refers
to it more frequently on the following subjects :-
1.Teaching of voidness-nector is for removal of all wrong con-
ceptions saṅkalpa pp.359-415 = C.II.21).
2.Surpreme truth falls not within the cognizance of senses (p. 365 =
C.III. 18).
3. Voidness is nothing but dependent origination (p.417 = C.II.20).
4. The action and its agent are (admissible) in the worldly talk ;
there is neither agent nor enjoyer in truth. Merit and demerits
are dependently produced , and hence unborn (p.476 = C.II.8-9)
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5.Buddha has no Sattva-idea (in himself) but has it towards the
down-trodden due to compassion (p.489 = C.I.8)
6. Things are desireless, non-substantial, dependently originated
and void. (p.489 = C.II.22).
7. Things are beginningless and endless; hence ādiśānta calm from
the outset (p.528 = C.III.27).
8. Dependent origination = śūnyatā = saddharma = tathāgata (p.528 = C.II.20,
III.28).
9. tattva = paramārtha = tathatā = bhūta; Buddha is because of realizing
this (p. 528 = C.III.39).
10. Origination is similar to magic. The world is caused by a
constructive thought parikalpa; hence no beginning and no end.
Neither permanent thing transmigrates nor impermanent thing.
So transmigration resembles a dream (p.533 = C.II, 16-18).
11. The world is born, stays and perishes : all these are mere
imaginations (p. 573 = C.III, 34).
12. The same as No. 4 of M. Vrtti above stated (p.583 = C.II.4).
13. Things come into being neither as existent nor non-existent,
and neither by themselves nor by others (p.587 = C.III.9).
14. Buddha is sattvadhātu hence no difference between Him
and others (p.590 = C.III, 40).
There are some citations of unspecified source made under the
heads of Acaryapada ācāryapāda resembling Nagarjuna's ideas :-
1.Something being present some other thing is (conceived) to
exist (as its relative) e.g. the idea of short and long. (M.Vrtti.p.10).
2.Mirage appears like water; but it is not so in fact.
Likewise five aggregates appear as the Soul ; but they are not
so in truth (M.V.op.347, 3 verses).
3.Release is (secured) because of voidness-vision śūnyatā-
dṛṣṭi; for this purpose the contemplation of everything as void
(Bodh.p.438).
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4.The whole theory of causation (operates) in the empirical
plane (Bodh.p.475).
THE PRESENT TEXT
The ideas that are expounded in the above citations are all
unique characteristics of Nagarjuna’s philosophy of thinking and they are
quite in agreement with the ideas expressed in the short tract. Hence
Nagarjuna’s authorship of this text cannot be doubted as it has been
further attested by Candrakirti and Prajnakaramati. However, the two
anustubh verses at the end of the text as well as the comment do not appear
to be of Nagarjuna’s origin, and are quite affirmative in their contents.
The first verse affirms that to negate an absolute subtle entity (i.e a
nihilistic view) is to misapprehend the import of import Dependent Origina-
tion-probably a Yogacara’s affirmation. I could not trace its original Sans-
krit anywhere. The second instructs that the vision of things as they are
yathābhūta-darśana leads to Release. It is Asvaghosa who propounded this
idea as a part of his exposition of the Buddha’s teachings in his
Saundarananda, XIII, 44, 51 :
nāpaneyamata: kiñcit prakṣepyaṃ nāpi kiñcana |
draṣṭavyaṃ bhūtato bhūtaṃ yādṛśañca yathā ca yat ||
abhūtaparikalpena viṣayasya hi vadhyate |
tameva viṣayaṃ paśyan bhūtata: parimucyate |
The ideas of these stanzas are made into one in the Ratnagotra-
vibhaga thus : nāpaneyamata: kiñcidupaneyaṃ na kiñcana |
draṣṭavyaṃ bhūtato bhūtaṃ bhūtadarśī vimucyate || I, 154, p.76.
It is again cited in the caryāgītikośaṭīkā p.32 with this
difference prakṣeptavyaṃ na kiñcana | as though it is from the Madh.
Sastra. It is not, therefore, unlikely that the last two verses of the
text were added by a later writer who was perhaps inclined towards
the yogacara standpoint. The vision of yathābhūta as a factor of Release 
is also acceptable to Nagarjuna (v.R. cited above No.1) though its
import may be different for him.
The purpose of this composition is, according to the intro-
ductory remark made at the outset of the comment, to expound in brief
the twelve causal links preached by the Master to an intelligent disciple
who approaches Nagarjuna with a request to that effect. He asks :
How are the twelve links grouped ? The author replies : They are
grouped into three categories : 1) Defilement, 2) Action and 3) Suffering.
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The first-category consists of the causal links Nos. 1,8 and 9 = ignorance,
thirst and clinging respectively. The second is formed of Nos. 2 and
10 = formation and becoming; the other links are included in the third
category. From the first category arises second and from the latter the
third arises. The disciple asks : Who is the over lord above all and what
is his function towards them ? The author replies : The Universe is and
interplay of series of causes and effects and there is no overlord of any kind.
Question : Who is then that travels from this world to the next one.
Reply : There does not exist even a subtle particle that travels from this
world to the next one. Nevertheless the void things are produced from
the void things. From the five causes, i.e. defilement and action
which are void, i.e. devoid of the soul and anything pertaining to the soul
are produced seven results, i.e. Suffering that are void, etc. The follow-
ing examples are cited to make the point clear : Mouth-to-Mouth
preaching svādhyāya, lamp, seal, mirror, sound, sun-stone and seed,
etc. It is argued that the if what is uttered by the teacher
reaches the pupil, then the passage uttered by the teacher would be devoid
of the latter. The passage uttered by the pupil does not come from any
other source because the other source cannot be its cause. It could
hardly be possible to determine whether the passage uttered by the pupil
and the passage uttered by the teacher are identical or different. Like-
wise the rebirth-mind of the future life is produced on the basis of the
death-moment-mind and the former cannot be said to be either identical
with or different from the latter.
Other examples : light is produced from the other light; reflec-
tion appears on the mirror from the face, an impression of the seal is
brought out from the seal; the fire is kindled from the sun-stone;
from the seed are produced sprout, fruit etc.; the sour fruit produces
saliva in the mouth, and the sound produces an echo. All these effects 
are neither identical with nor different from their causes.
Likewise the wise should understand that there is continuity
of five aggregates pratisandhi; nevertheless there is no transmigration 
asaṅkama. Though the five aggregates appear in continuity as a result
of their mutual relationship, there does not exist even a subtle particle
moving from this world to the next. This theory of asaṅkama
is common to all schools of Buddhism (v. my. Introduction XII, ff, to
bhāvasaṅkāntisūtra) with the exception, perhaps of Sammitiyas.
The author finally explains how one realises the ultimate release.
He should not view pervertedly an impermanent thing as permanent,
an upleasant thing as pleasant and a soulless thing as soul-endowed one.
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When he gets rid of such perverted views, he will have no more a desire
for them. In the absence of desire no hate arises; in the absence of hate
no action is undertaken; in the absence of action he does not cling to
anything; in the absence of clinging he manifests no becoming and in the
absence of becoming he does not suffer a rebirth. Thus a new fruit in the
form of body and mind is stopped for ever; that is to be iunderstood as
the ultimate release. The wise should, therefore, shun all the wrong
views : Eternalism, Nilhilism and others.
Thus, though the treatise is very short, the author has well
elucidated in it the creed of the Buddhist doctrine under two heads :
I) The universe is nothing but an interplay of causes and effects-
a scientifically tenable approach; and there is no Super-human
presiding over the destiny of mankind which is, on the other hand,
governed by its own law of action. 2) Release, mokṣa, is a freedom
from ever-rotating wheel of life and death and it is perhaps something
like merging of individuality into an impersonal and undivided whole.
We should not miss here to take note of the author’s eloquent exposi-
tion of Nirvana in his Sastra :
ya ājavaṃjavībhāva upādāya pratītya vā | so’pratītyānupādāya nirvāṇamupadiśyate ||
XXV,9.
(attributed to Tathagatas by Candrakirti) The Substance of the utterance
may be this : Life and death of elements are conditioned or activated
that is the world, samsara. The same elements become unconditioned
or inactivated, i.e. brought to a dead stop apravṛttimātram that is
preached as Nirvana. It may be clear now that this conception
of Nirvana does not in the least touch the fringe of Nihilism.
The Arya verses of this text and its commentary upto 3rd verse
are adopted from Dr.V.V. Gokhale’s paper published in Studia Indologica,
1955, pp.10-106. Luis de Vallee Poussin first translated into French
the text kārikā in his Theories des Douze causes. p. 122-24.
An English translation of the whole text from its Chinese version has
also been published by me in 1940.
The Tibetan texts that are published here are copied from
Tanjur, Mdo, gi.f.206,4 ff, and collated with the same texts in Mdo.
thsa, f. 166, ff. nothing their important differences in a separate page.
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pratītyasamutpādahṛdayakārikā
nāgārjunakṛtā
dvādaśa ye’ṅgaviśeṣā muninoddiṣṭā: pratītyasambhūtā: |
te kleśakarmadu:kheṣu saṅgṛhītāstriṣu yathāvat ||1||
ādyāṣṭamanavamā: syu: kleśā: karma dvitīyadaśamau ca |
śeṣā: sapta ca du:khaṃ lisaṅgrahā dvādaśa tu dharmā: ||2||
tribhyo bhavati dvandvaṃ dvandvātprabhavanti sapta saptabhya: |
traya udbhavanti bhūyastadeva [tu] bhramati bhavacakram ||3||
hetuphalañca [hi] sarvaṃ jagadanyo nāsti kaścidiha sattva: |
śūnyebhya eva śūnyā dharmā: prabhavanti dharmebhya: ||4||
svādhyāyadīpamudrādarpaṇaghoṣārkakāntabījāmlai: |
skandhapratisandhirasaṅkarmaśca vidvadbhiravadhāryau ||5|| 
ya ucchedaṃ prakalpayatyatisūkṣme’pi vastuni |
pratītyasambhavasyārthamavijña: sa na paśyati ||6||
nāpaneyamata: kiñcit prakṣepyaṃ nāpi kiñcana |
draṣṭavyaṃ bhūtato bhūtaṃ bhūtadarśī vimucyate ||7||
pratītyasamutpādahṛdayakārikā
ācāryanāgārjunakṛtā
samāptā |
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pratītyasamutpādahṛdayavyākhyānam
ācāryanāgārjunakṛtama
iha kaścit śuśrūṣamāṇa: śramaṇa: śravaṇa(1)dhāraṇohāpohaśaktisampanna: śiṣya
ācāryasya pāda [mūla] māgamya tathāgataśāsanamārabhya evaṃ pṛṣṭavān-bhagavan atra
dvādaśa ye’ṅgaviśeṣā muninoddiṣṭā: pratītyasambhūtā: |
kva teṣāṃ saṅgraha(2) iti śrotumi(3)cchāmi | iti |
tasya teṣāṃ dharmāṇāṃ tattvavu(4)bhutsāmavetya ācārya idamuktavān 
te kleśakarmadu:kheṣu saṅgṛhītāstriṣu [yathāvan] ||1||
tatra daśa ca dvau ca dvādaśa | aṅgānyeva viśeṣā aṅgaviśeṣā: | rathāṅgavadaṅgabhāva
ukta: | kāyavāṅgamanomau(5)nānmuni: | tena muninoddiṣṭā: kathitā: parkāśitā iti paryāyā: |
te ca na (6)prakṛti-niyati-puruṣa-parādhīna-karma-īśvara-kāla-svabhāva-yathecchā-prajāpati-
yadṛcchādikāraṇaprasūtā: | kiṃ tarhi pratītyasambhūtā: | te dvādaśāṅgaviśeṣā: kleśakarmadu:khā
anyonyaṃ pratītya (7)naḍakalāpayogena triṣu yathāvat saṃkṣiptā: | (8)yathāvaditi
aśeṣeṇetyartha: ||1||
pṛcchati | ke punaste kleśā: | kiṃ karma | kiṃ du:kham yeṣu ime pratyayaviśeṣā:
saṅgrahaṃ gacchanti | 
āha-
ādyāṣṭamanavamā: syu: kleśā: |
dvādaśāṅgaviśeṣāṇāṃ [madhya] ādyā avidyā, aṣṭamī tṛṣṇā, navamamupādānam
ime traya: kleśasaṅgṛhītā: pratyavagantavyā: | kiṃ karma |
karma dvitīyadaśamau ca |
saṃskāro dvitīya: bhavo daśama: | [imā] dvau dharmau karmas aṅgṛhātau veditavyau |
śeṣā: sapta ca du:kham
karmakleśasaṅgṛhītānā [maṅga] viśeṣāṇāṃ ye śeṣā [aṅga] viśeṣā: sapta ca
te du:kha [saṅgṛhītā] veditavyā: | tadyathā vijñānaṃ nāmarūpaṃ ṣaḍāyatanaṃ sparśo
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vedanā jātijarāmaraṇam | ca śabda: priyaviyogāpriyasaṃyogeṣṭavi (9)ghātadu:khāni
sañcinoti |
trisaṅgraham# dvādaśa tu dharmā: ||2||
ata ete dvādaśa dharmā: karmakleśadu:khā[khyā]veditavyā: | [anyūnā] dhika-
jñāpanā(10)rthastu śabda: | etāvanta eveme sūtrāntanirdiṣṭā nāta:paramastīti
parigaṇitam ||2||
pṛcchati | kleśakarmadu:khānā [meṣāṃ] kuta: kimutpadyata iti vyākhyātuṃ prārthaye |
āha |
tribhyā bhavati dvandvam 
kleśākhyebhyastribhya: karmākhyaṃ dvandvamutpadyate |
dvandvātprabhavanti sapta 
du:khākhyā: pūrvanirdiṣṭā: |
saptabhya: |
traya udbhavanti
kleśākhyā: | tebhyastribhya: kleśebhyaśca dvandvamutpadyate |
bhūyastadeva tu bhramati bhavacakram ||3||
bhavā: kāmarūpārūpya[saṃśabditā: | [te ca] ana(11) vasthānāccakrabhūtā: | teṣu pṛthagjano
loka eva paribhramati | tuśabdaśca aniyatajñāpanārtha: | yathā cakramanupūrvyā paribhramati |
na tathā triṣu bhaveṣūtpatti: | [kiṃ tarhi] niyamo nāstīti jñāpayati ||3||
pṛcchati | atha sarvadeheśvara:(12) satvākhya: (13)kartā | teṣu tasya kriyā kīdṛśī |
āha | hetuphalañca hi jagat
prajñaptiṃ vihāya anyo nāsti kaścidiha satva: |
paramārthata: kalpita: | kalpitaśca nāsti | kalpitamātraviṣaye (kāma)
iṣṭadravyaṃ sat na yujyate |
pṛcchati | yadyenvam, tarhi asmāllokāt ka: paralokaṃ saṅkrāmati| āha |
asmāllokātparalokaṃ sūkṣmo’ṇurapi na saṅkrāmati | atha ca
@016
śūnyebhya eva śūnyā dharmā: prabhavanti dharmebhya: ||4||
ātmātmīyarahitebhyo dharmebhya: kleśakarmākhyebhya: pañcahetubhya: śūnyebhya ātmā-
tmīyarahitā du:khatayā kathitā: phalakalpitā: śūnyā: sapta dharmā: prabhavantītyartha: |
tadyathā ātmātmīyarahitāste nānyonyaṃ punarātmīyā: | atha ca svabhāvato’nātma-
dharmebhya: svabhāvato’nātmadharmā: prabhavanti | evamavagatantavyamiti jñāpitam ||4||
atra svabhāvato’nātmadharmebhya eva svabhāvato’nātmadharmā: prabhavanti ityatra ko
dṛṣṭānta: | atrocyate-
svā(14)dhyāyadīpamudrādarpaṇaghoṣārkakāntabījāmla: |
ebhyo dṛṣṭāntebhya: kalpitebhyo’pi svabhāvato’nātmanaśca paralokasiddhivaditavyā |
tadyathā-gurumukhāduccaritā yadi śiṣyaṃ saṅkrāmanti | guruṇoccaritāstadvirāhatā
api syuriti na saṅkrāmanti | śiṣyeṇa proktamapi nānyato’sti | ahetubhūtatvāt |
yathā gurumukhāduccaritā: tathā maraṇāṃśikacittamapi | śāśvata [ākhya] doṣa: syāt
paraloke na saṅkarma: | paraloko’pi nānyato bhavati | ahetudoṣasattvāt | yathā
guruṇoccāritaheto: śiṣyeṇo [ccārita:] sa eva anyo vā iti na nirṇetuṃ śakyate |
tathā maraṇacittaṃ pratītya (15)aupapattyaṃśikaṃ cittamapi tadeva tāto’nyadvā iti na
vaktuṃ śakyate | tathā | yathā pradīpātpradīpa:, mukhāt darpaṇe pratibimbamutpadyate |
mudrāta: pratimudrotpadyate | arkakāntādagni: bījādaṅgakuraphalāni(16)amlarasāt rasavatpuna:,
śabdātpratiśrutkaścotpadyate | te ca ta eva vā tato’nye vā iti na jñātuṃ
śakyate | tathā 
skandhaprati(17)sandhirasaṅkarmaśca vidvadbhiravadhāryau ||5||
tatra pañcaskandhā rūpavedanāsaṃjñāsaṃskāravijñānākhyā: skandhā: | teṣāṃ pratisandyi-
rniṣiddha: | hetorhi phalamanyadutpadyate |
asmāt lokātparalokaṃ na ko’pi bhāva: sūkṣmo’pi saṅkrāmati | eva cakrabhramaṇaṃ
bhrāntivikalpavāsanayā samutpadyate | anta iti tu viparyaya: | tato nivartayitavyam |
anityadu:khaśūnyānātmabhāvān na nityabhāvān vyāmuhyāt | asati vyāmohe
na rāga: | asati rāge na dveṣa: | asati dveṣe na karmaṃ karoti | asati karmaṇi
nopādīyate bhāva: | asatyupādāne na bhavamabhisaṃskaroti | asati bhave na jāti: |
asatyāṃ jātau na kāyacittayordu:khaṃ bhavet | evamacintyāt taddhetupañcakānnānyatphala-
mutpadyate | ayaṃ mokṣo veditavya: | evaṃ śāśvatocchedādidurdṛṣṭayo’panītā bhavanti ||5||
@017
atra dvau ślokau bhavata:-
ya(18) ucchedaṃ prakalpayatyatisūkṣme’pi vastuni |
pratītyasambhavasyārthamavijña: san a paśyati ||6||
nāpaneyamata: kiñcitprakṣepyaṃ nāpi kiñcana |
bhūtañca bhūtato dṛṣṭvā bhūtadarśī virmucyate ||7||
ācāryanāgārjunakṛtaṃ
pratītyasamutpādahṛdaya-
vyākhyānaṃ samāptam |
@018 to @027
[Tibet Text]
@028
AN
ART BOOK
FROM
NAMGYAL INSTITUTE OF TIBETOLOGY
RGYAN-DRUG MCHOG-GNYIS (Six Ornaments and Two Excel-
lents) reproduces ancient scrolls (1670 A.C.) depicting Buddha, Nagar-
juna, Aryadeva, Asanga, Vasubandhu, Dinnaga, Dharmakirti, Gunapra-
bha, and Sakyaprabha; reproductions are as per originals today after-
300 years of display and worship with no attempt at restoration or
retouching. The exposition in English presents the iconographical
niceties and the theme of the paintings, namely, the Mahayana philoso-
phy; the treatment is designed to meet also the needs of the general
reader with an interest in Trans-Himalayan art or Mahayana. A glossary
in Sanskrit-Tibetan, a key to place names and a note on source material
are appended. Illustrated with five colour plates and thirteen mono-
chromes. April 1962.
@029
THE SKYABS-MGON
-NIRMAL C. SINHA
I
The incarnation of Bodhisattva Avalokitesvara is universally
known as Dalai Lama.
The title Dalai Lama (tale bla-ma) is of Mongol origin meaning
“vast as the ocean”, The Manchu Emperor used this form; the Western
envoys to the Manchu court got this usage from the Chinese while the
Russians got this direct from the Mongols, Buriats and Kalmuks.
In Tibet (and Tibetan speaking countries) the Dalai Lama 
is variously called Gyalwa Rimpoche (rgyal-ba rin-poche, that is, jina-
ratna or precious conqueror), Kundun (kun-hdus, that is, omnipresence),
Gong-sa (one on the highest Bhumi, that is, sovereign), Kyamgon Rim-
poche (skyabs-mgon rin-poche, that is, precious lord of refuge) or Kyam-
gon Buk (skyabs-mgon sbug or inmost lord of refuge). The last, that is,
Kyamgon appears to be the official designation or lawful title used in
State-papers; other titles could be added in official correspondence etc.
British official reports about Tibet during the rule of Dalai Lama
XIII speak of two titles, Kyamgon and Gyalwa Rimpoche (1), Charles
Bell in enumerating the titles(2) gave priority to “The Precious Protector”
(Kyamgon Rimpoche). The English text of the first Tibetan memoran-
dum to the Simla Conference (10 October 1913) described the Dalai
Lama as Precious Protector or Protector (3) In the famous petition
(1932) to the Dalai Lama XIII praying for his long life Tibetans addressed
him as Kyamgon(4). The present Dalai Lama, that is. Dalai Lama
XIV uses the title Kyamgon with prefix Gongsa in the Tibetan text of the
Constitution promulgated on 10 March 1963(5).
All dates are in Christian era.
Diacritical marks are not used. Passages in Sanskrit and Tibetan
appended in the Notes are in respective scripts.
Pronunciation of Tibetan words as in Central dialect.
@030
The terms Lama (bla-ma Skt. guru), Chang-chub-sempa
(byang-chub-sems-dpah Skt. bodhisattva). Chen-re-sik (spyan-ras-
gzigs Skt. avalokitesvara) and Kyamgon (skyabs-mgon Skt. not known)
are discussed in this paper, the second in the series ‘Prolegomena to Lama-
ist Polity’. As in the previous paper the bearing of doctrinal terms on
secular life is studied.
II
“Previous to the Lama even the name of the Buddha did not
exist” (6).
The spirit enshrined in this Tibetan adage was neither un-Buddhist
nor un-Indian; though it might have been equally true of pre-Buddhist
Tibetan norm (Bon : Shaman) in which the priest wielded considerable
power.
In India the veneration for the preceptor/teacher/master is
traceable to the Vedic age; in early Vedic times the word Acharya was
more popular while later the word Guru; the word Sasta was also current
before the Buddha.
The indispensability of teacher is admitted in the Upanishads.
The etymological meaning of the term Upanishad is “sitting down near”,
that is, sitting down near the teacher. There is an element of esoteric
in the Upanishad as there is a process of dialectic therein. Both presume
a teacher. This need is so obvious that there may be no need to use the
word for teacher even. As in the most famous exhortation for “seeking
the best teacher”, the actual expression is “seeking the best”,
Katha I, 3:14. Mundaka I, 2:12 advises search for a Guru who is learned
in the scriptures and has realized the Absolute. In Taittiriya, I, II:2
the pupil on graduation is enjoined to be one to whom the
Acharya is the Deva. The concluding verse of Svetasvatara declares
that the highest mystery of the Vedanta reveals to the high souled seeker
who has the highest devotion for the Deva and for his Guru as for Deva(7).
Katha and Tattiriya are admittedly pre-Buddhistic. Mundaka is a post-
Buddha work. The Svetasvatara, according to Nalinaksha Dutta, “is no
doubt pre-Buddhistic and very likely formed the basis of the teach-
ings of Alara Kalama and Rudraka Ramaputra, the spiritual teachers of
Siddhartha Gautama”(8).
Brihad-devata, a compendium of the deities and myths of the Rig
Veda-composed acc. to Arthur Macdonell after 500 B. C. but in style
and diction a Vedic workmanship acc. to the same authority-uses both
the terms Acharya and Guru and sometimes synonymously(9). Guru is
@031
however an omnibus word connoting any superior while Acharya, unless
repugnant to the context, is an intellectual superor like the teacher.
It is not relevant to present here the fine distinctions or descriptive
classfications of Smriti (like Manu) or Dharmasutra (like Apastamba or
Gautama) (10). It is however necessary to notice the steady rise of the 
priest (Purohita : Brahmana) as a superior (Guru) from early Vedic times.
The Purohita was the indispensable authority at the consecration of the
king. Horizontal crystallization of society into Varna with Brahmana
on the top set the protocol between the priest and the king. Even
though the colourful picture of the sacerdotal authority electing the
temporal power as drawn by Jayaswal and Coomaraswamy cannot be so
faithful to facts (11), the legend of Brahmana as the source of Kshatra was
the reflex of social consensus. While the Brihadaranyaka description
of the Brahmana as “the womb out of which the Kshatra issued” (12) was
no doubt metaphorical, the Purohita of the Vedic consecration was the
matrix for the Rajaguru in medieval Hindu Rashtra.
Be it for intellectual or spiritual objective the first stage in stri-
ving was to attach oneself to a teacher. It is significant that after renun-
citation Prince Siddhartha did not immediately make for a retreat in the
mountains or forests; he sought teachers and became disciple of Alara
Kalama and Rudraka Ramaputra successively. He no doubt rejected
their doctrines (13) and through different disciplines and processes forged
his own way to Enlightenment. As at the beginning of his quest the Buddha
sought teachers so at its end he sought disciples and, before he began his
missionary life, converted his quondam associates, the five Brahmana
ascetics. “There was no Acharya equal to him” (14) and for nearly half
a century he was “the Sasta of all mortals and gods” (15). Sasta like Guru
is an omnibus word and would mean ruler (sasana karta/raja) and parent
(pita) as well as a teacher versed in the Sastras. Sasta became the epi-
thet of Buddha in chaste expression. Later, when the Guru (preceptor/
teacher) was equated to the Buddha, Guru was a good synonym
for Buddha.
In the beginning Bhagavan was the most popular form of addressing
the Buddha; Sasta, that is, Guru had an intellectual or academic tone.
With the growth of Tantra, grew the cult of spiritual preceptor and
Sasta or Guru became a popular from for describing the Buddha,
the original preceptor. It is not necessary for the present context
to trace the beginnings of Tantra and digress into the several theories
which profess to cancel each other. It is sufficient to note that in one
form or other Tantra was known to the Indus Civilization (c.3500-
1500 B.C.) as also to the Vedic Civilization (-1500 B.C.-). Tantra
was thus in existence in the Buddha’s time; it is not known in what
form and to what degree the Buddha accepted it.
@032
When Buddhism was split into two Vehicles (say in the first
century after Christ), Mahayana had fully accepted Tantra. Nagarjuna,
the discoverer of Prajnaparamitra, furnished a new philosophy for Tantra
by the doctrine of Sunyata; the corpus of legends about Nagarjuna’s
alchemy and magic cropped up later when the cult of Guru was in full
swing. The second great figure, Asanga (c.350), was the founder of
Yoga school in Buddhism. Curiously enough Tantra and Guru-cult
characterized contemporary Brahmanical religion. There is positive
epigraphic evidence on Saivite hagiolatry. The Mathura Inscription
(c. 380) speaks of adoration of Guru, lineage of Guru and even the gallery
of Guru images(16). The Devi Bhagavata-though its extant texts
were composed much later-expresses the sentiments of the age of
saint Asanga and scholar Amarasinha as if to corroborate the data from the
Mathura Inscription. It says “The Guru is Brahma, the Guru is Vishnu
and the Guru is Mahesvara. Salutation to the Guru who is the real
Absolute”(17).
The period which witnessed the spread of Buddhism in Tibet
(c.600-1100) was roughly the period when Tantra was the dominant
cult in India. There was regular flow of the fresh developments from 
India into Tibet. In such process the quest for the right teacher was
natural. Buddhist treatises on Tantra gave full sanction to such.
Extracts may be made from three works of the eight century :
Advayasiddhi, Jnanasiddhi and Prajnapayavinischayasiddhi.
“In this world and other worlds there is none better than a
Guru through whose kind offices the wise obtain so many perfections”.
“The Guru is Sugata, Buddha and Dharmakaya”.
“The Guru with requisite qualifications is nothing short of a
ruler or a leader of the country” (18).
Buddhism in Tibet begins its victorious career with Padmasam-
bhava (c.750-800) and significantly in Tibet he is known as Guru Ratna
or Mahaguru. Padmasambhava and Santa-rakshita ordained the first
‘Lamas’. The Tibetan word Lama corresponded to the Sanskrit word
Guru and as the term Guru was not to be indiscriminately applied so the
term Lama has been through centuries used in respect of a few categories
of monks and priests and even lay scholars.
Tibetan canonical literature based on Indian sources as well as
the tracts and treatises composed by Tibetan scholars and priests bear
testimony to the paramount position of the Lama. The tract on the
A wakening of Supreme Bliss (bde-mchog-byungba) says “The Lama is
the Buddha, the Lama is the Dharma and likewise the Lama is the Sangha”
@033
(19). To Nagarjuna is attributed this formula : “Abandon offerings to
all others and make your sole offerings to the Lama. When the Lama is
pleased you attain the wisdom of the omniscient” (20). Milarepa (1040-
1123) begins a song on old age and death thus : “I bow at the feet of
the teacher, the Buddha of the three times” (21). An ancient Tibetan
proverb affirms that without the auspices of the Lama even the blessings
of the Buddha do not operate(22). Sakya Lama Drags-pa-gyal-mtshan
(1147-1216) enjoined that the first salutation should be to the feet of
the Lama (23).
Tibetan liturgy and iconography fully reflect the paramount
position of the Lama. In the temples and monasteries from the Himalayas
to the Altais, the image of the founder or early preceptor of the sect
(Guru Rimpoche, Jo Atisa, Milarepa, Sakya Pandita or Tsong-khapa)
is conspicuous. Even the most illiterate devotee knows that this
practice does not suggest any slight for the Buddha because the Guru is
nearer than the Buddha. Beside the more literate is conscious that
there is no distinction between a Buddha and a Buddha. The Yellow
Sect (dge-lugs-pa) portrayal of the Buddha-field with Tsong-khapa
(1357-1419) in the centre and Siddhartha Gautama among the surroun-
ding host of all Buddhas and Bodhisattvas has sanctity in this sentiment.
Tsong-khapa himself had enjoined (24) :
whether for this life or the next
one must follow the noble friend (Lama).
Tsong-khapa’s disciples evinced ability to administer the temporal
needs of those who sought refuge in the Lama. This role was in accord
with the ideology of Byang-chub-sems-dpah (Bodhisattva).
III
“A hero with Bodhi-chitta takes upon himself the burden
of others” (25).
A Bodhisattva thus features in Tibetan imagery.
It is neither possible nor necessary to attempt an adequate
exposition of the doctrine of Bodhisattva within the limits of this
enquiry into political theories and institutions. The stages in the his-
tory of the Bodhisattva concept-from the Bodhisattva (singular) of the
Jataka to the Bodhisattva (collective) on the eve of Mahayana’s migra-
tion to Tibet-with its ever expanding contents and facets belong to the
field of religion and philosophy (26). Facts precisely necessary for an
understanding of Bodhisattva as an institution in the Samsara are culled
here from the Indian context. Etymologically a Bodhisattva is an
@034
Enlightenment-Being, as Gautama himself was in his numerous previous
lives (Jataka aspiring for Bodhi). In Mahayana a Bodhisattva could be
either celestial or terrestrial and in each category there could be many
as in a way all the Bodhisattvas in different categories and grades were
phantom or apparitional bodhies(Nirmanakaya) of the Absolute (Paramar-
tha or Bodhi).
The concept of Nirmanakaya, the Mahayana thinkers affirmed, was as
old as Gautama Buddha and modern scholars do not reject this belief (27).
Gopinath Kaviraj savant and seer, traces the concept to a period anterior
to Gautama Buddha; he notices the usage Nirmanachitta by the founder
of Samkhya (i.e. Kapila who must have been a few generations earlier
than Alara Kalama) and would find the beginnings of the doctrine of
‘magical self-multiplicative power of the Supreme’ in the Rig Veda (28).
The Saddharma-pundarika (composed in the first century B.C.
and elaborated in the third & fourth centuries A.C.), one of the nine
basic books of Mahayana and “the crown jewel of all Sutras”, present (29)
a glorious pageant of the Bodhisattvas : their might and majesty and their
wisdom and compassion. If the book suffers from an ubiquity of
Bodhisattvas it does not manipulate barriers between terrestrials and
celestials. In fact the total effect of the pageant is to awaken faith
in the terrestrial Bodhisattvas. The terrestrial Bodhisattva was imma-
nent with the community of believers while the celestial was trans-
cendental.
The Prajnaparamita (Transcendental Wisdom) in its earliest
stage was a highly intellectual recipe for nihilism and quite beyond the
grasp of the ordinary mind(30). In their endeavour to transform the
doctrine for the highbrows and intellectuals into a religion for the masses,
the master-thinkers (Acharyas) of Mahayana shifted the emphasis from
Prajna (Wisdom) to Sraddha (Faith). Likewise the accent was shifted
from the spiritual Conqueror (Jina) to the material Saviour (Bodhisattva).
It was more desireable to awaken faith in a Bodhisattva (Manjusri, Avalo-
kitesvara or Samantabhadra) than to meditate on an ethereal/hypothetic
Kula (Akshobhya, Amitabha or Vairochana). And between the two
Bodhisattvas (celestial and terrestrial) the one near at hand would be
naturally more prized.
The Manushi Bodhisattva was in fact “the ideal Man of the Maha-
yana” as Edward Conze describes him (31). He could be householder or
recluse; he could be reborn as a wealthy man or king. Obviously as a
Nirmanakaya he could take any shape because his duties and functions
would determine the choice. For preaching the Dharma the Bodhisattva
would be a recluse or monk(32). The Sangha would therefore be better
@035
described as the Gana of Bodhisattvas; an usage traceable in the Saddhar-
mapundarika(33).
The altruism of Bodhisattva found its classic exposition in
Bodhicharyavatara of Santideva (8th century).–A Bodhisattva feels the
joys and sorrows of others as his own; he loves and guards others as he
loves and guards himself; he identifies with the poor and the lowly.
A Bodhisattva’s resolve is of great use in the Samsara or material
world (34).
The Bodhisattvabhumi (Asanga : c. 350) enumerates the acts
of common welfare expected of a Bodhisattva; these include supply of
material needs of life and provision of refuge. The grant of refuge is
further emphasized as one of the five constant duties of a Bodhisattva (35).
Santideva’s Siksha-Samuchchaya quotes the Gandvyuha Sutra to say that
the resolve of the Bodhisattva is the foundation of all material and moral
good, the annihilator of all poverty and the refuge of all beings (36).
Thus for the ordinary man, with ordinary intelligence and
ordinary resources, the Bodhisattva could be the patron saint for their
material welfare as well. In Tibet “the ideal Man of the Mahayana”
became the national ideal. Santarakshita, the joint founder of the 
first monastery (Samye), is immortalized under the epithet “Bodhisattva
as scholar”. The kings propagating the Dharma were recongnized as
Bodhisattva as well as Nirmanakaya. The element of hero in a Bodhisat-
tva was emphasized in translating the term from Sanskrit into Tibetan;
the suffix ‘dpah’ (i.e. ‘daph-bo’ or hero) was added after ‘byang-chub-
sems’ instead of a simple ‘pa’ as adjectival termination (37). One might
be a great man otherwise but his popularity would be assured only if
he was called a Byang-chub-sems-dpah. A Guru (Lama) could be one
par excellence if he was known to be a Bodhisattva (Byang-chub-sems-
dpah). Down to our times a popular honorific for Byang-chub-sems-
dpah, in Central Tibet at least, is Sprul-sku (Nirmanakaya). This has
been so for the simple reason that a Sprul-sku of a celestial or terrestrial
Being was by and large “the ideal Man of the Mahayana”, the Saviour
for this world and/ or the other world. The Lama as the custodian
of the script, the organizer of schools, the master of occult and the
adviser of the king could no doubt be the Bodhisattva for the entire
community in times of distress. Besides the layman could
come very near ‘the house of Lamas’ (bla-brang) as much because of the
socio-economic climate of Tibet(38) as for the needs of firm propagation;
there was no distance between the monks and common men as was in
India or in a Theravada country to-day. Thus in times of distress refuge
in the Bodhisattva-gana, the Blamahi-brang, was in the logic of history.
@036
IV
May Lokesvara protect you as he sits,
surrounded by his mass of rays,
on Mount Potalaka, which echoes
with the roar of its deep caves;
who thus is like the moon within the mass of waves
churned in the Sea of Milk by the mountain Mandara,
whirling with heavy roar
and unwavering because of its great speed
Jnanasrimitra(39)
This verse composed in Bengal around 1050 could have been a
typical reflex of Tibetan mind in 1650 when the Great Fifth incarnation
of Avalokitesvara (spyan-ras-gzigs) “looked down from on high” the
soaring palace-temple on Marpo Ri (Red Hill) which he called Potala.
In the Mahayana pantheon as fully developed in India and followed
later in Tibet and Mongolia, also China and Japan, Avalokitesvara is the
protector and savior of all living beings : the lord and sovereign of this
suffering world. Yet his origin is obscure; Har Dayal and Edward Conze
find Magi and Mithra elements in the conception (40). However the
basic Mahayana Sutra, the Saddharmapundarika, in the concluding chap-
ters, depict Avalokitesvara in no uncertain light. He is decidedly a
prominent Bodhisattva though he has to share this prominence with
Manjusri. A full chapter (XXIV) is devoted to Avalokitesvara and his
powers and capabilities. Faced with any mortal danger-fire or water,
monster or demon, fall from precipice or hit with thunderbolt,
host of armed enemies or swords of executioners, witchcraft or fell
disease-the afflicted on mere invocation will be rescued by Avalokites-
vara. Positive boon like a child to childless can likewise be obtained from
Avalokitesvara. He can infallibly eradicate all mundane sufferings (41).
His compassion is not a passive virtue or static quality; his is an
active personality, full of dynamism; he is “unwavering because of great
speed” to use the words of Jnanasrimitra. To the afflicted mortals he
is the jewel of the Bodhisattvas : he is the Sangha (Bodhisattva-Gana)
Ratna.
In the early Mahayana eight Bodhisattvas are prominent viz. Manjusri,
Vajrapani, Avalokitesvara, Kshitigarbha, Sarvanivaranavishkambhin, Aka-
sagarbha, Maitreya and Samantabhadra. These are “a group of equal rank.
Perhaps Manjusri is regarded as primus inter pares. In the later Mahayana
the oligarchy is changed into an absolute monarchy. Avalokitesvara is
@037
first and the rest nowhere. He absorbs all the virtues, powers, functions
and prerogatives of the other Bodhisattvas, because he is the Lord of
Mercy. He occupies the supreme position in the Universe and reigns
without a rival”. Har Dayal (42).
The grandeur of Avalokitesvara is depicted in Avalokitesvara-
gunakarnada-vyuha (abbr. Karandavyuha) : the detailed description of the
basket of the qualities of Avalokitesvara. Its first composition dates con-
siderably earlier than the fourth century while the complete extant text
(43) perhaps belongs to the seventh century. Its scheme is the glorifica-
tion of the compassionate and mighty redeemer Avalokitesvara and is
punctuated with his many exploits of rescue. The historic value of the
Karandavyuha however lies in the exposition of the Six Mystic Syllables:
OM MANI PADME HUM which Avalokitesvara the creater of the world
donated to the world(44).
In Tibet (and other Lamaist countries) OM MANI PADME 
HUM symbolizes the Dharma and even the formula about the origin of
all objects, YE DHARMA HETU PRABHAVA, takes a second place. In
Tibetan legend Avalokitesvara in his compassion took the shape of a
monkey and begot the Tibetan race. (i.e. mankind). The ubiquitous
notice of the Six Mystic Syllables-on rocks and boulders, stupas and
temples, prayer wheels and altars-is, in the present writer’s observation,
a thanksgiving for the precious gift of human life, an opportunity for
working towards Buddhahood. Besides the legend is a reminder to
modern science that a millennium before Charles Darwin, the Tibetan
intuition grappled with the doctrines of ‘natural selection’ and ‘survival
of the fittest’.
As the begetter of the Tibetan race Spyan-ras-gzigs was naturally
thought of as its protecting deity. The first great king Srong-btsan-
sgampo (c.605-650) was recognized as the Sprul-sku (Nirmanakaya)
of the Father of the People while his scholar-minister Thonmi Sambhota
was found to be Hjam-dpal (Manjusri). Only two of the great king’s
successors were found to be Sprul-sku of the same. The incarnation
of Spyan-ras-gzigs, the topmost of ninety one Byang-chub-sem-dpah,
could not be a routine affair and his mortal forms were few and far bet-
ween. The tradition about Spyan-ras-gzigs however grew from stren-
gth to strength.
In their adoration for the Founder and Protector, the Tibetans
moved towards the summit of monotheism (and not mere henotheism
with myriads of Buddhas, Bodhisattvas, Dharmapalas etc) when they
described Spyan-ras-gzigs as the Sole God of the Land of Snow (45).
Indian reformer Atisa and his Tibetan disciple Hbrom-ston (1003-1064)
reckoned with this spirit and enumerated the four Mgon-skyabs (Lords of
@038
Refuge) thus : Gautama Buddha, merciful Avalokitesvara, goddess Tara
and guardian of faith Achala (46).
The three royal patrons of Dharma-Srong-btsan-sgam-po,
Khri-srong-lde-btsan and Ral-pa-chen-were incarnations of Sypan-ras-
gzigs and the next was Hbrom-ston himself. The traditions, recorded in 
successive centuries, agree on these four names. The next name unani-
mously agreed in different traditions is that of Sa-chen Kungah-snyngpo
(1092-1158). There was no attempt in any particular lineage (monar-
chical or monastic) to have the incarnation to themselves (47). The
followers of Tsong-khapa (1357-1419) made the bold bid and got
approval of all Tibetans to fourteen successive Sprul-skus of the Sole God
of Tibet : Dge-hdun-grub (1391-1475) to Bstan-hzin Rgya-mtsho (b. 1935).
V
“Lord, Thou art the most excellent Refuge to go for”
Dam-chos-padma-dkar-po
When the hierarch of the Yellow Sect was accepted by people
of all Sects as the incarnation of the Sole God of Tibet, the hierarch’s
title to the sole kingship or monistic sovereignty was a foregone conclu-
sion, particularly because the other Sects did not accept the reforms in-
traduced by Tsong-kha-pa and his two disciples. Loyalty to the Dalai
Lama(48) was in expectation to the topmost Bodhisattva who could
protect against sufferings of this world and in gratitude to the Father of
of the People; this would not demand surrender of doctrinal sentiments.
The two greats, Fifth and Thirteenth Dalai Lamas, far from supporting
the Yellow Sect bigotry (which included suppression and forcible con-
version of Old Sect monasteries), tolerated the Old Sect teachings and
even drew upon these teachings(49). Thus for other Sects the Sole God
was above the Established Church. The Dalai Lama was the silken tie
which held together the different Sects and the dispersed areas.The
plenitude potestatis of the Dalai Lama rested on the popular obedience
while the potestas limitata of the Heavenly Kingdom (Dgah-Idan-pho-
brang) originated in the Established Church(50).
Each of the roles BLA-MA,BYANG-CHUB-SEMS-DPAH and
SPYAN-RAS-GZIGS had sanction for exercise of temporal authority
and the three roles combined in the hierarch of Yellow Sect could
render him the Rex in Western expression. But the monks of Ganden,
Drespung and Sera had the genius to seek the raison d’etre of political
power in the fundamentals of the Dharma. They traced this back to
the earliest teachings known and accepted over the entire Buddhist
world in both Vehicles. They designated their hierarch as SKYABS-
@039
MGON. From the very beginning the grant of Skyabs (Skt. Sarana)
has been the right as well as the obligation of Mgon (Skt. Natha). As
the Tibetan rendering of the Saddharmapundarika quotes a devotee add-
ressing the Buddha: “Mgon-po, Thou art the most excellent Skyabs” (51).
The Buddha had offered, as the Sakya Lama (Chos-rgyal-hphags-pa 1235-
1280) put it, “Skyabs to one who has no Mgon” (52). Through parables
and prophecies the Buddha had promised appearance at the end of the
world or in time of distress(53), not unlike that in the in the Bhagavadgita(54).
When Righteousness
Declines, O Bharata ! When Wickedness
Is strong, I rise, from age to age, and take
Visible shape, and move a man with men,
Succouring the good, thrusting the evil back,
And setting Virtue on her seat again.
(Edwin Arnold’s tran. in verse)
Such appearance (Nirmanakaya or Sprul-sku) was never so badly needed
as in times of anarchy.
The kingdom built by Srong-btsan-sgam-po (c.605-650)came
to an end with the assassination of the apostate Glang-darma (c.842).
A process of slow but steady disintegration set in. There was no cen-
tral power and the rise and fall of numerous principalities did not make
for peace and security for the people. The native chronicles are as con-
fused as the events for three centuries and a half (c.850-1200). Two
facts stand out clearly. First, after a period of stagnation the Dharma
made a full resurgence, a renascence, with Atisa’s propagation (1042-
1054). Second, both for their own protection as well as for that of
their ‘parish’ the abbots of different sects began building monasteries; two
sects, Kargyu and Sakya, did well. In grandeur and authority they soon
superseded and replaced the castles of the pastoral and nomadic lords.
People oppressed by the decadent aristocrats or the rising brigands came 
for refuge to their respective monasteries and the abbots did not disa-
point them.
The rule of the Sakya Lamas or that of the Kargyu Lamas (and
Phag-mo-gru-pas) needs no narration here (55). The Lama rulers of the
thirteenth century and following saved Tibet from Mongol atrocities
while all countries and peoples from Sarai (Volgograd) to Khanbalyk
(Peking) had experienced these. Be it their mastery of occult or the
impact of their Dharma on the eclectic Mongol mind, the saviours had
proved their statesmanship; the Bodhisattva as statesman became the
the Rajaguru (Tisri or Bakshi) of the most warlike dynasty on record in
Asia and Europe. The Sword of Transcendental Knowledge-the Sakya
Lamas were in the lineage of Manjusri-brought down the Sword of
@040
naked power. The Adamantine Thunderbolt-the Kargyu Lamas were in
the lineage of Vajradhara-calmed down the thunder from Altai-Kara-
korum. The Lamas not only saved Tibet from invasions; they made Tibet
a first-class power of the day.
The titles of these Lamas, who organized full refuge from
internal disorder and external aggression, are of direct interest in the
the present discussion. A Lama ruler would ipso-facto be Chos-rgyal
(Dharmaraja) and was so in fact and form. To the devotees in general
a Lama ruler was Mgon-skyabs (Lord of Refuge) in both temporal and
spiritual sense. These Lamas themselves did not use the epithet Mgon-
skyabs or Skyabs-mgon for reasons not clear today. In oral tradition
down to our day the devotees are known to have called them so. In
correspondence addressed to the Sakya hierarch down to our day the
title Skyabs-mgon has been customary (56).
Thus when the Yellow Sect rose into political ascendancy, from
the Third Incarnation Bsonam Rgya-mtsho onwards, Skyabs-mgon was in
current usage. If the Great Fifth made official use of the title, it was only
appropriate for Spyan-ras-gzig: the Sole God and Protector of Tibet. The
Dalai Lama was indeed the Skyabs-mgon par excellence (57).
@041
NOTES
0.It is necessary to mention several theories and controveries
if only to affirm that these theories do not affect the historicity or
sequence of the events as narrated in this paper.
The various dates for Saddharmapundarika (chs I-XX) are first
century B.C., first century A.C. and second century A.C. The later
chapters (XXI-XXVII) are dated fourth century to sixth century.
Karandavyuha was composed between fourth and seventh
centuries.
Nagarjuna’s dates range from 58 B.C. to 150 A.C. Asanga is
dated between 350 and 450 A.C.; definitely after Nagarjuna as in Tibetan
tradition also.
Thomi Sambhota was not the first to introduce Indic script into
Tibet. It is even suggested (Roy Andrew Miller) that Thomi is a fic-
titious figure. (Fact remains that adaptation of Indic script was fina-
lized in the seventh century and if Srong-btsan-sgam-po had a scholarly
minister the latter was apotheosized as Manjusri).
No epigraphic or contemporary evidence is available so far to
vouch for the usage Lama (bla-ma) in the seventh century and even in the
eighth. In the beginning the word used was Ban-de, Slob-dpon, Rab-
byung or Mkhan-po. (The terminology does not affect the role and
status of Guru).
The treatises Mani-bkah-hbum (attributed to seventh century)
and Padma-bkah-thang (attributed to eighth century) were padded with
later events, prophesies etc. till the seventeenth century. (This paper
sums up the position till 1650.)
Likewise Bkah-gdams-pha-chos and Bkah-gdams-bu-chos attributed
to Atisa and his disciples were enlarged through centuries. (Narrative
in this paper guards against anachronism.)
Giuseppe Tucci: Tibetan Painted Scrolls (Rome 1949) discusses
the traditions of Tibetan literature.
1.Military Report on Tibet (Calcutta 1910) lists (p.115) the titles
thus: Kyamgon Rimpoche, Gyalwa Rimpoche, Buk Lama and Kyam-
gon Buk. Who’s who in Tibet (Calcutta 1938) lists (p.1) thus: Gyawa
@042
Rimpoche, Kyamgon Rimpoche or Kundun. My own impression is
that during the Regency, when there was no Dalai Lama functioning,
the title Gya(l)wa Rimpoche was in greater use. Libing Athing Sonam
Tobden confirms this.
2.Charles Bell: Portrait of the Dalai Lama (London 1946), p.34. 
3.Reproduced in The Boundary Question between China and Tibet
(Peking 1940), pp.1-4.
4.English translation of the petition and the Dalai Lama’s replywill be found in Bell: op.cit pp 377-382.
will be found in Bell: op.cit pp 377-382.
No.5 & 6 Tibet Text
7. uttiṣṭhata jāgrata prāpya varānnibodhata |
kṣurasya dhārā niśitā duratyayā durgaṃ pathastatkavayo vadanti ||
kaṭha 1, 3: 14
parīkṣya lokān karmacitān brāhmaṇo nirvedamāyānnāstyakṛta: kṛtena |
tadvijñānārthaṃ sa gurumevābhigacchet samitpāṇi: śrotriyaṃ brahmaniṣṭham ||
muṇḍaka 1, 2 12:
mātṛdevo bhava, pitṛdevo bhava, ācāryadevo bhava, atithidevo bhava, yāni anavadyāni
karmāṇi tāni sevitavyāni, no itarāṇi, yāni asmākaṃ sucaritāni tāni tvayopāsyāni,
no itarāṇi ||
taittirīya 1,11:2
yasya deve parā bhaktiryathā deve tathā gurau |
tasyaite kathitā hyarthā:, parkāśante mahātmana:, parkāśante mahātmana: ||
śveṃtāśvatara 6, 23
8. Nalinaksha Dutt : Early Monastic Buddhism (Calcutta 1960),
p.24.
9. Arthur Macdonell’s edition (Harvard Oriental Series)-
Acharya ii, 132, 136 & 143; iv, 138; v, 39; vi, 9; & vii, 90. Guru
iii, 142; iv, 60;, v, 103 & 139; & vi, 35.
10. For Acharya/Upadhaya/Guru (different persons) Kane : History
of Dharmasastra (Poona 1930-62), Vol II: Pt 1, pp. 322-4 and Vol IV,
p.24 may be seen.
@043
Sabdakalpadruma (Radhakanta Deva) quotes Kurnma Purana-
guruvargo yathā, -
upādhyāya: pitā jyeṣṭhebhrātā caiva mahīpati: |
mātula: śvaśurastrātā mātāmahapitāmahau ||
bandhujyaṣṭha: pitṛvyaśca puṃsyete gurava: smṛtā: |
mātāmahī mātulānī tathā mātuśca sodarā: ||
śvaśrū: pitāmahī jyeṣṭhā dhātrī ca gurava: strīṣu |
ityukto guruvargo’yaṃ mātṛta: pitṛta: dvijā: ||
gurūṇāñcaiva sarveṣāṃ pūjyā: pañca viśeṣata: |
teṣāmādyāstraya: śreṣṭhāsteṣāṃ mātā supūjitā ||
yo bhāvayati yā sūte yena vidyopadiśyate |
jyeṣṭhabhrātā ca bharttā ca pañcaite gurava: smṛtā: ||
nāsti pitṛsamo devo nāsti mātṛsamo guru: |
tayo: pratyupakāro’pi na kathañcana vidyate |
mālulāṃśca pitṛvyāṃśca śvaśurānṛtvijo gurūn ||
asāvahamiti vruyu pratyutthāya yavīyasa: |
kūrmmapurāṇe upavibhāge 11 adhyāya: ||
11. K.P. Jayaswal : Hindi Polity (Calcutta 1924 – Bangalore 1943)
and A.K. Coomaraswamy : Spiritual Authority and Temporal Power in the
Indian Theory of Government (New Haven 1942). For an objective view
see U.N.Ghoshal: Studies in Indian History and Culture (Calcutta 1965)
pp 211-236. A description of the ritual is in J.C. Heesterman : The
Ancient Indian Royal Consecration (The Hague : 1957).
12. brahma vā idamagra āsīdekameva tadekaṃ sanna vyabhavat | tacchreyorūpamatyasṛjata
kṣatraṃ yānyetāni devatrā kṣatrāṇīndro varuṇa: somo rudra: paryanyo yamo mṛtyurīśāna
iti | tasmāt kṣatrātparaṃ nāsti tasmādbrāhmaṇa: kṣatriyamadhastādupāste rājasūye kṣatra eva
tadyaśo dadhāti saiṣā kṣatrasya yoniryadbrahma ||
bṛhadāraṇyaka 1, 4: 11
Political ascendancy of the priestly houses can be noticed in Vedic
society. Arthur Berriedale Keith: The Religion and Philosophy of the
Veda and Upanishads (Harvard Oriental Series), pp 223-230 & 289-99.
Aslo Macdonell : Vedic Index, entry on Purohita.
13. For the disciplines Gautama learned from Alara Kalama and
Rudraka Ramaputra see Dutt: Early Monastic Buddhism, p.88. Radha-
Krishnan sums up the situation thus: “He possibly learned from them
the need for belief, good conduct, and the practice of meditation, though
the content of their teaching seemed to him unsound”. The Dhamma-
pada (London 1950-), Introduction, p.7.
@044
14. na me ācariyo atthi, sadiso me na vijjati |
sadevakasmiṃ lokasmiṃ, natthi me paṭipuggalo ||
majjhimanikāyo; dhammacakkapavattana |
15. deva-manuṣyāṇāṃ śāstā |
16. The inscription as read by Devadatta Ramakrishna Bhandarkar
is reproduced in Epigraphic Indica, Vol. XXI.
17. gururbrahmā gururviṣṇurgururdevomaheśvara: |
gurureva paraṃ brahma tasmai śrīgurave nama: || devībhāgavata |
Present study is about impact of Dharma on the temporal milieu. No
aspersion on the merits and needs of the institution (Guru) is meant.
The most democratic religious movement in India (Sikh) accepted this
institution in the preparatory stage. When Gandhi addressed Tagore
as Gurudeva it was certainly not a left-handed compliment.
18. ācāryāt paratarannāsti trailokye sacarācare |
yasya prasādāt prāpyante siddhayo’nekadhā budhai: ||
Advayasiddhi cited in Benoytosh
Bhattacharyya : Sadhanamala (Gaekwad Oriental Series), Vol II p. Lvi fn.
namaste śūnyatāgarbha sarvasaṅkalpavarjita |
sarvajña jñānasandoha jñānamūrtte namo'stu te ||9||
jagadajñānavicchediśuddhatattvārthadeśaka |
dharmanairātmyasambhūta vajrasattva namo'stu te ||10||
sambuddhā bodhisattvāśca [tvatta:] pāramitāguṇā: |
sambhavanti sadā nātha bodhicitta namo’stu te ||11||
ratnatrayaṃ mahāyānaṃ tvatta: sthāvarajaṅgamam |
traidhātukamidaṃ sarvaṃ jagadvīra namo’stu te ||12||
cintāmaṇirivādbhuta jagadiṣṭārthasiddvaye |
sugatājñākara śrīman buddhaputra namo'stu te ||13||
jñātaṃ me’nuttaraṃ tattvaṃ prasādāt te guṇārṇava |
vajrābhiṣekaṃ sarvajña prasādaṃ kuru sāmpratam ||14||
rahasyaṃ sarvabuddhānāṃ darśitaṃ dharmavajriṇā |
yathā śrīcittavajreṇa tathā nātha prasīda me ||15||
bhavatpādāmbuje tyaktvā nānyā me vidyate gati: |
tasmāt kuru dayānātha saṃsāragatinirjita ||16||
prajñopāyaviniścayasiddhi; tṛtīyapariccheda
guruprasādo yasyāsti sa labhet tattvamuttamam |
anyathā kliśyate bāla: cirakālavimohita: ||23||
@045
gururbuddho bhavet dharma: saṅghaścāpi saeva hi |
prasādāt jñāyate tasya yasya ratnatrayaṃ varam ||24||
ajñānatimirāndhānāmeṣa mārgapradarśaka: |
sa bhavet sarvasaukhyāgraya: sarvakāmapradāyaka: ||25||
dharmagambhīraniṣṭhātmā viviktakaruṇātmaka: |
ratnatrayapratiṣṭhārthī dharmadāne nirāmiṣa: ||26||
sa guru: śiṣyasadgrāhī sarvabuddhānukāraka: |
ityuvāca jagannātho nānye vai gurava: smṛtā: ||27||
yasmānna tatsamo hyasti pūjanīyo mahāmuni: |
tasmāt sarvaprayatnana pūjayedguruvaraṃ vratī ||28||
jñānasiddhi; prathamapariccheda |
ratnatrayeṣu buddhātmā kṛpāvān sarvajantuṣu |
tyāgādisaṃyato dhīra: sarvapuṇyamahodaya: ||9||
bodhicittasamutpanna: prasanno guṇavān sudhī: |
akrodhano mahotsāhā dharmmagambhīraniścaya: ||10||
sayuktikaṃ dharmadānaṃ nirā[bhā]saṃ sadā matam |
alpecchatā sadā tasya sambhāradvayasambhṛta: ||11||
gurureṣa samākhyāta: sarvabuddhai: savajribhi: |
sa eva sarvasattvānāṃ śāsako lokanāyaka: ||12||
jñānasiddhi; trayodaśapariccheda |
prajnopayavinischayasiddhi and jnanasiddhi are reproduced in Benoytosh
Bhattacharyya : Two Vajrayāna Works (Gaekwad Oriental Series).
For similar sentiments in Brahmanical Tantra, John Woodroffe (Arthur
Avalon) : Principles of Tantra (Madras 1960), chs XIII & XIV and Intro-
duction to Tantra Sastra (Madras 1956),pp 65-67 may be seen.
For the sublime aspects of Guru see also Max Arthur Macauliffe: The
Sikh Religion (Oxford 1909).
No.19 to 20(Tibet Text
@046
21. Humphrey Clarke : The Message of Milarepa (London 1958),
p.102.
No.22 to 25(Tibet Text)
26.Nalinaksha Dutt: Aspects of Mahayana Buddhism and its relation
to Hinayana (London 1930) remains the standard authority on Mayahana
as a whole and on several issues.
Har Dayal : The Bodhisattva Doctrine in Buddhist Sanskrit Literature (London
1932) covers the subject of Bodhisattva. T. R. V. Murti : The Central
Philosophy of Buddhism (London 1955) provides an excellent comparative
study.
27. Nalinaksha Dutt: Aspects of Mahayana etc, pp. 96-117. See
also Edward Conze : Buddhist Thought in India (London 1962), pp. 172
& 232. Lama Anagarika Govinda : Foundations of Tibetan Mysticism
(London 1959), pp. 216, 221-24 expounds the Tantric approach.
28. Gopinath Kaviraj: Aspects of Indian Thought (Burdwan University
1966), pp. 137-47. This subject is involved with another ‘parallel
@047
development’ in Brahmanism and Buddhism : Atman and Tathagatagar-
bha. Considerations of space forbid any attempt to present the findings
of Suzuki, Conze and Gokhale.
29. A standard English translation is by Kern in The Sacred Books
of the East.Nalinaksha Dutt (and Mironov) edition of the text (Biblio-
theca Indica, Calcutta) is followed in this paper.
30. In this paragraph I generally follow the analysis and chronology
of Edward Conze : The Development of Prajna paramita Thought in Buddhism
and Culture (Suzuki Ninetieth Birthday Volume 1960) and The Praj-
naparamita Literature (The Hague 1960). The accent on Manushi
Bodhisattva is my own.
31. Edward Conze : Buddhism Its Essence and Development (Oxford
1951/53 etc), p 125.
32. Saddharmapundarika, ch I, verses 13-43
33. Saddharmapundarika, ch IX, lines preceding verse 12; ch XIV,
para two; ch XX, para three.
34. bodhipraṇidhicittasya saṃsāre’pi phalaṃ mahat |
bodhicaryāvatāra, 1; 17
anāthānāmahaṃ nātha: sārthavāhaśca yāyināṃ |
pārepsūnāṃ ca naubhūta: setu: saṅkarma eva ca ||
bodhicaryāvatāra; 3; 17
hīnādiṣvātmatāṃ kṛtvā paratvamapi cātmani |
bhāvayerṣyāṃ ca mānaṃ ca nirvikalpyena cetasā || 
bodhicaryāvatāra; 8; 140
jagadvyādhipraśamanaṃ bhaiṣajyamidamuttamaṃ |
bhavādhvabhramaṇaśrānto jagadviśrāmapādapa: ||
durgatyuttaraṇe setu: sāmānya sarvayāyināṃ |
jagatkleśoṣmaśamana uditaścittacandramā: ||
bodhicaryāvatāra, 3; 29-30
35. anāthānāṃ ca du:khitānāṃ kṛpaṇānāmapratiśaraṇānāṃ sanāthakriyayā |
anātheṣu sattveṣu [du:khiteṣu ca] apratiśaraṇeṣu sanāthakriyā |
bodhisattvabhūmi |
Nalinaksha Dutt’s edition (Jayaswal Research Institute Series),
pp. 194 & 197.
36.tathāryagaṇḍavyūhasūtre’pi varṇitaṃ | bodhicittaṃ hi kulaputra vājabhūtaṃ sarvabuddhadharmāṇāṃ |
kṣetrabhūtaṃ sarvajagacchulkadharmavirohaṇatayā | dharaṇibhūtaṃ sarvalokapratiśaraṇatayā
@048
yāvatpitṛbhūtaṃ sarvabodhisattvārakṣaṇatayā “peyālaṃ || vaiśravaṇabhūtaṃ sarvadāri-
drayasaṃchedanatayā | cintāmaṇirājabhūtaṃ sarvārthasaṃsādhanatayā | bhadraghaṭabhūtaṃ sarvā-
bhiprāyaparipūraṇatayā | śaktibhūtaṃ kleśaśatruvijayāya |... ... ...
.. .. .. iti hi kulaputra
bodhicittamebhiścānyaiścāpramāṇairguṇaviśeṣai: samanvāgatamiti ||
śikṣāsamuccaya |
Bendall’sedition (Bibliotheca Buddhica, Petrograd/The Hague), pp 5-6.
37. “The hero as Bodhisattva” would be the appropriate English
form for Tibetan expression Byang-chub-sems-dpah. A Tibetan dissertation
on Heroes and Hero-Worship would be on the hero par excellence: Bodhisa-
ttva.
38. This question of the Tibetan ecology and Mahayana is under
detailed study elsewhere.
39. English translation is that of Daniel H.H. Ingalls: An Anthology
of Sanskrit Court Poetry (Harvard Oriental Series), p.64. The original text,
read by Kosambi & Gokhale, is in Subhasitaratnakosa (Harvard Oriental
Series).
atyudgāḍharayasthirākṛtighanadhvānabhramanmandara-
kṣubdhakṣāradhivīcisaṃcayagataprāmeyapādopama: |
śrīmatpotalake gabhīravivṛtidhvānapratidhvānite 
sāndrasvāṃśucayaśriyā valayito lokeśvara: pātu va: ||3||
lokeśvaravrajyā; jñānaśrīmitra |
40. Har Dayal: Bodhisattva Doctrine (cited under Note 26), p.48
and Edward Conze: Buddhism (cited under Note 31), p. 147.
Benoytosh Bhattacharyya : Indian Buddhist Iconography (Calcutta 1958),
p.143 traces the concept to Asoka’s time.
41. Saddharmapundarika ch XXIV particularly the verses at the end.
Verse 25 sums up Avalokitesvara as saviour, refuge and recourse in death
disaster and calamity.
42. Pp. 45-46. Mahavyutpatti lists 91 Bodhisattvas with Avalokite-
svara as topmost
His numerous forms (including a set of 108 as in Nepal) and
his two popular forms (4-handed as the jewel of the Sangha and 11-headed
as the Great Compassion) express the paramountcy of Avalokitesvara.
For these forms see Bhattacharyya : op. cit, Walter Clark : Two Lamaistic
Pantheons (Harvard 1937/New York 1965) and Alice Getty : Gods of
Northern Buddhism (Oxford 1928/ Tokyo 1962.)
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43. Satyabrata Samasrami ed: Karandavyuha (Calcutta 1873).
44. Edward J. Thomas: The History of Buddhist Thought (London
1951), pp.187-94 gives a brief account in English.
No. 45 & 46 (Tibet Text)
47. The different traditions recording the lineage of Spyan-ras-
gzigs are found in Bkah-gdams-pha-chos, Lnga-pa-chen-pohi-mdzad-rnam,
Klong-rdoI gsung hbum etc. Giuseppe Tucci : Tibetan Painted Scrolls, Vol I
may be seen.
Sarat Chandra Das in Indian Pandits in the Land of Snow (Calcutta
1893/1965) presents the current (1880-90) Gelugpa version of Atisa
having inspired and Hbrom-ston having founded the GrandHierarchy
(i.e. the lineage of the Dalai Lamas).
For a detailed exposition of the lineage of Spyan-ras-gzig down
to Dalai Lama VII as in a set of painted scrolls from Peking, see Toni
Schmid: Saviours of Mankind (Stockholm 1961).
48. ‘Loyalty to the Dalai Lama’ is the subject matter of an elaborate
study shortly. It is not capable of presentation within the limits of
this paper. Besides brevity is ruled out when ideas and institutions of 
one language (Tibetan) are expressed in another (English). For a sa-
tisfactory account of “The Dalai Lama : His function, his associates and
his birth” Marco Palls had to resort to Sanskrit, Tibetan, Greek and
Latin coinage in his The Way and the Mountain (London 1960).
It may be noted here that the Tibetan loyalty to the Dalai Lama
is deeper–though different in quality–than loyalty to the national
emblem in modern (Western) sense. It is not to be confused with the
personality cult which a modern nation sports today.
49. This is little recognized by even the Tibetologists. Helmut
Hoffmann in The Religions of Tibet (London 1961) is an exception; he
makes clear reference to Dalai Lama V’s deep interest in Old Sect
teachings, pp. 173-4. I have it on the authority of several trustworthy
monks and scholars in Central Tibet that Dalai Lama XIII, inspite of the
@050
puritan Pha-bong-kha, was most deeply tolerant of Old Sect-teachings.
This is confirmed by Denzong Gyalyum Kunzang Dechen Tshomo, a
daughter of the ancient Ragasha House and a considerable scholar her-
self.
During my sojourn in Central Tibet twelve years ago I learned
that the present Dalai Lama (XIV) and the present Karmapa Lama (XVI) had
made such friendly relations which reduced the ancient tension between
the Gelugpa and the Kargyupa. (The Karmapa lineage began in 1110)
while the Gelugpa in 1391.)
50. There is a danger in using the terminology of Roman Law in-
connexion with a medieval Asian society as I have shown in Tibet :
Considerations on Inner Asian History (Calcutta 1967), pp. 19-25. A few
Latin expressions are used now with confidence in their suitability.
The Dalai Lama enjoyed absolute homage and allegiance, a
plenitude of powers which it would be sacrilege for a Tibetan to define.
The government called the Heavenly Kingdom had somewhat limited
powers arising from (a) several instruments of executive working as checks
and balances and (b) its fundamental weakness of being a Gelugpa orien-
ted “Central Tibet” government. Loyalty to the Dalai Lama as distinct
from loyalty to the Heavenly Kingdom may be illustrated from the
Khampa attitude. 
It is well known that the tribes of Khams were not law abiding.
What is not so well known is that they were not loyal or submissive to
the Heavenly Kingdom and its agents. While the Khampas had no
compunction in robbing the Lhasa gentry and bureaucrats besides re-
fusing to pay taxes, their anxiety to send offerings to the Dalai Lama or
to restore robbed baggage found to be Dalai Lama’s has gone into legend.
The Chinese (Manchu and Republican) drive to the west and
consequent expansion of Inner Tibet (Chinese. Tibet) were possible
because of the Heavenly Kingdom’s loose hold over Khams, where large
blocs of Old Sect believers lived. Khampa nationalist reforms progra-
mmes involving both Old Sects and Gelug had early support from the
Chinese; this made the Chinese Liberation of Khams easy. George
Patterson: Tibet in Revolt (London 1960) gives some interesting details.
When the Khampas realized that the Liberation would be
completed with the end of their Dharma and Bodhisattva Avalokitesvara,
they did not wait for the word from the Heavenly Kingdom. The
Khampa revolt (1956-59) was a typical Khampa affair. They crowned
their movement with the escorting of the Incarnation into safety (March
1959) and several in the escort party returned to fight and die in typical
Khampa fashion.
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The Dalai Lama’s Flight is rightly prized as aremarkable feat
of bravery and organization. The Khampas did it with “tears, blood
and sweat”. Their loyalty to the Dalai Lama was in inverse ratio
to their submission to the Heavenly Kingdom.
No. 51 & 52 [Tibet Text]
53. bhagavā etadavoca-“idha, mahārāja, tathāgato loke uppajjati arahaṃ, sammā-
sambuddho, vijjācaraṇasampanno, sugato, lokavidū, anuttaro, purisadammasārathi, satthā
devamanussānaṃ, buddho, bhagavā | so imaṃ lokaṃ sadevakaṃ samārakaṃ sabrahmakaṃ sassamaṇabrāhmaṇiṃ
pajaṃ sadevamanussaṃ sayaṃ abhiññā sacchikatvā pavedeti | so dhammaṃ deseti ādikalyāṇaṃ
majjhekalyāṇaṃ pariyosānakalyāṇaṃ sātthaṃ sabyañjanaṃ, kevalaparipuṇṇaṃ parisuddhaṃ brahmacariyaṃ
pakāseti |
dīghanikāyo; paṇītatarasāmaññaphalaṃ |
tadanu yena śākyamunitathāgatādirūpeṇāsaṃsāraṃ sarvalokadhātuṣu sattvānāṃ samīhitamarthaṃ
samaṅkarotyasau kāya:prabandhatayā’nuparato nairmāṇiko buddhasya bhagavata: sarvabālajanasādhāraṇa-
ścaturtho’vasātavya: | tathā coktam |
karoti yena citrāṇi hitāni jagata: samam |
ābhavātso’nupacchinna: kāyo nairmāṇiko mune: ||33||
haribhadraracita abhisamayālaṅkārāloka | pṛ :532
The extract is made from Giuseppe Tucci’s edition (Gaekwad Oriental
Series). Haribhadra is dated in the eight century by Haraprasad Shastri
and in the tenth century by Maurice Winternitz.
54. yadā yadā hi dharmasya glānirbhavati bhārata |
abhyutthānam adharmasya tadā’tmānaṃ sṛjāmyaham ||7||
paritrāṇāya sādhūnāṃ vināśāya ca duṣkṛtām |
dharmasaṃsthāpanārthāya saṃbhavāmi yuge yuge ||8||
bhagavadgītā, caturthaadhyāya |
55. Giuseppe Tucci : Tibetan Painted Scrolls, Vol I; and Hugh Richard-
son : The Karmapa Sect in Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society 1958-59 may 
be seen. The only Mongol invasion (1240) was a petty raid in
comparison with invasion elsewhere.
56. See the model letter for Sakya Gongma on page 69 in Tharchin
(ed.): Letter Writers, Kalon Shadra & Kadrong Nornang (Kalimpong, 1956).
57. The people of Inner Mongolia called the Dalai Lama Skyabs-
mgon Mchog perhaps to distinguish him from others (like Panchen or
Sakya) also called Skyabs-mgon.